I need to take a break from The Reality of AIDS for a moment
to get something off my chest. Why is it, with Uganda's tremendous oversupply of highly educated people, all those engineers, consultants, architects and
scientists – and access to the world’s expertise just for the asking - why can’t
they build a road?
Take a look at the photo included here. This is a brand new
road in Mbarara that collapsed earlier this month. There is a “bypass” in Kampala that was supposed to be completed for the Commonwealth Heads
of Government
(CHOGM) meeting in Uganda
a year ago and is not finished yet. A
60-mile road from Kabale to Kisoro, under construction for over a year, a very
very expensive and very needed project, has been graded and smoothed but is not
yet paved – and is washing away while it waits for macadam. The main roads in Kampala are paved while all others –
thousands of miles of them connecting neighborhoods and back streets are dirt,
eroded with ruts up to three feet deep. Dodging potholes,
people die on the Kampala-Mbarara Road
every week. Here is a typical
wreck.
Yet, the President vows major new road projects in the next
two years. “It will
help our economy,” he says. He’s said it
before and he is right. But it’s all for
naught if the roads don’t last more than a month.
“We are not organized” could be the nation’s motto. The chaos of society here is part of its
charm for visitors, but it wears thin for people who live here. Nothing is maintained – half the solar/wind
gizmos attached to light poles to impress CHOGM attendees are broken. The Nile River
dam in Jinja that supplies most of the nation’s electricity is not “wukking”
due to lack of maintenance so another
dam is being built. To a nation
desperately trying to build its economy, this one seems to be trying to fly
with porous wings.
Traveling the only route from Mbarara to Kamwenge and
getting a “road massage” as the car tackled the ruts, I saw a – wonder of
wonders – a yellow Caterpillar grader parked alongside the road. I asked the driver why the machine was
sitting idle when clearly the road needed grading. He said, “Oh, that is just the government
responding to the local council. They
want the road fixed.” He shrugged. “The
government sends a machine and a man. The man grades just enough to show he has done something. Then he siphons the diesel out of the tank,
sells it and spends the rest of his day in the bar. The next day there is no fuel so he cannot
continue. What is he to do?”
Well, I thought, while he’s sitting in the bar, he could
revise the national anthem to something like, “O, Uganda, We Are Not Organized.” There. I feel much better now.
“The ironic thing
about this curse is that the major transmission is through sexual relationship
which is the passage of life for us. Why
would it attack there? You really need
to know Satan is playing a very serious role here, striking at the very temple
of making life and turning it into a vehicle for death.” – Archbishop Henry
Orombi
If one
should ever wonder about the role faith can play in beating back the AIDS
epidemic, one need only go to Uganda to see the results firsthand. There are few
documented examples; Google the subject and you will not find much. Helen Epstein in her book God and The Fight Against AIDS acknowledges the presence of faith but misses its
depth. She reported in 2005 that the
country is “in the throes of a Born-Again Revival” without understanding that
it has been doing so constantly since the East Africa Revival of 1931.
“Faith-based organizations (FBOs) have a really important
role to play in stopping the spread of AIDS and they’ve been sidelined,” said
Edward C. Green, a social researcher at Harvard University
and author of Rethinking AIDS prevention. FBOs have been have been working for behavior change –
pushing AB, abstinence and being faithful, since before Uganda’s official AIDS
initiative began. They have been working
with orphans and the sick and the dying and the bereaved but they haven’t been
funded to work in AIDS prevention. Ignoring this very important factor of public health policy has no doubt
cost millions of lives.”
President Museveni told me that mobilizing churches to
broadcast the “Zero Grazing” and “AIDS Kills” messages was “the fastest way to
reach the greatest number of people in all the corners of the nation.”
I spoke with Rev. Fr. Dr. Joseph Obunga, the Secretary
General of the Roman Catholic Secretariat at his offices in Kampala. “The Catholic church has been
actively involved with fighting this disease since
1989 with our first pamphlet
called “The AIDS Epidemic.” Later, we
started a program called Save the Youth from AIDS. It is still a common topic in schools. These
days we regularly organize field trips from one parish to another called
‘exposure trips’ so people can learn from one another. This is what the church is supposed to do –
it is people loving their neighbors as themselves.”
Working alongside Fr. Obunga at the Uganda Catholic
Secretariat is Ron Kamara, who chairs the HIV/AIDS committee for the Inter-religious
Council. This organization acts
vigorously to be a common point of information gathering and dissemination for
all the religious entities in Uganda – Catholic, Evangelical, Muslim and any other interested parties. “The AIDS environment changes almost on a
daily basis,” Kamara said.
Anglican Archbishop Henry Orombi told me, “The Church of
Uganda is clear in its theology of passion. Nationwide we speak to young people especially those 13-25 years to let
them know their sexuality is God’s gift to them. We want them to make a decision to work with
God’s will and to realize that AIDS is not a disease but an attack on faith. We teach that condoms give artificial
permission for people to take relationships beyond what God wants. We also show people how to have compassion
for those who are infected and for them to be accepted by society. The more we can show them compassion, the
longer they will live. But the essence
of our AIDS education is it will get you
if you are not diligent.”
When His Excellency President Museveni declared the AIDS
crisis in Uganda a behavior problem in 1986, he had no idea he was poking a stick into a very
large hive of bees.
It took some years for the magnitude of the epidemic to
become known to world’s public health institutions and for them to formulate a
workable solution to slowing the spread of the disease. The institutions – the World Health
Organization, the United Nations (ultimately UN-AIDS and The Global Fund), the
Center for Disease Control in the U.S. – and others – were challenged
to come up with a solution that would work worldwide. The Uganda President’s pragmatic solution –
tell the people what causes the disease, tell them to abstain from sexual
relations before marriage, tell them to be faithful exclusively to their spouse
or partner – was simply dismissed as unworkable by Western aid institutions.
They sought a solution that was based not on
ideals but on tangible results. Their
solution was the condom, a device that had been available in Uganda since at least 1980. To the world’s public health community, the
condom was a practical and tangible way to fight AIDS. But selling the population on the device was
not easy and so the field of “social engineering” was born. This approach conflicted directly with the
“social vaccine” of behavior change and in fact also required people to change
behavior.
The President’s initial campaign of abstinence and being
faithful became known as the A-B Method. Not many years later when the condom was interjected, it became much
catchier, the A-B-C method. But there
was vast resistance to condoms by churches (you are giving people a vehicle to
not change behavior), government (you are forcing to do things your way and not
our way), the health department (condoms are not 100% reliable; abstinence is)
and by people themselves (we do not need such things). The tension between abstinence people and
condom people became known as the “Condom Wars,” and will be the subject of
another blog.
The interesting thing about Uganda is, the preachers,
evangelists and youth workers turned A-B-C to their advantage by saying C is
for Christ, not condoms. “You see,” the pastor
says from the pulpit, “If our young people have Christ, they have the love they
need to grow strong – without finding it in the banana patch. If our young people know that keeping
themselves pure until they are married makes Christ smile, they will do
it. And if they cling to Christ to avoid
sinful sexuality, they will live to become productive adults.”
Rev. Ben, who traveled the countryside for 10 years preaching
to young people said, “In this country, we know this message has power because,
among Christian kids, the age of first sexual encounter averages nearly 18
years. That’s astounding for African
society. So, A-B-C: Abstinence, Being
Faithful and Christ, not condoms. That
will kill this disease here.”
When you talk to people in Uganda about AIDS, you get used to
hearing the words, “They died.” I lost
three sisters. They died. The person who was paying my school fees. He died. The people I knew in that town. They died. The man who was her
boyfriend, he died, she died. You hear
it so much, the words lose meaning. Yet
every one of these deaths was preceded by long and painful suffering, a
withering of the body and the spirit into oblivion. The anguish extends to the caregivers and the
relatives, the friends, the villagers, the loved ones not just as a
relationally shared pain for the disease but also for the anxiety of ‘who else
is carrying the virus and am I next?’ For those who have lost multiple family members or multiple neighbors in
a village, the anguish is numbing. Dying
is taken for granted. It is less
tragic. It happens too often. The true tragedy, however, falls on the innocents,
those people left behind, often children who have no means to support
themselves.
On one visit to Uganda, I stayed with Amos and
Mabel Twinamasiko in their home in Mbarara. The house could have been a modest home in suburban Florida, built of concrete-block-and-stucco
painted pastel with a tile roof surrounded by a sedgy lawn and fruit
trees. Dr. Amos is an ophthalmologist in
the local hospital and over breakfast one morning, I asked about his family. “Well,” he began. “I came from a family of 10 of which only
four of us are left. Mabel comes from
family of nine of which only three are left. And for those who died, each left multiple children behind. We just buried a niece who had been recently
married and left four kids.”
“What happens to these children,” I asked
“We try to take care of them,” Dr. Amos said. I had heard this time and time again about Uganda: A million parents dead. A million and a half children cut off from
their only means of food, shelter and care in a nation without a public welfare
system. Some 700,000 of these had been
taken up by family, friends or caring people in the village. Ben had told me of the children he had
supported through University including his nephew Herbert and this on a
miniscule missionary’s income. A woman
known as Aunt Jocelyn, somewhat prosperous with shops and a farm, cares for
multiple children in her home and employs them in her businesses. A prominent local women’s rights consultant
named Jolly Bibarikamu and her husband Erik reported raising and educating some
19 children to date through university level. “We ourselves currently support five kids with school fees,” she told me.
“The number varies, but there are always four.”
“And what of the rest of the children,” I asked over tea.
“The rest,” Dr. Amos said. Mabel turned her head to hide the tear welling in her eye. “The rest we pray for.”
Six months after Ben launched his ministry called Juna Amagara
in 2004, I traveled with him and a group of Americans to his home village of Kishanje in Uganda. To get there from Mbarara, it
is two hours on the main road to Kabale Town. Then it is two hours by twisty, rutted dirt
roads around Lake Bunyonyi to get “across
the water” to Ben’s tiny house.
It was after dark when we arrived at Kishanje,
but the sound of a van on the road and the mere presence of headlights in a
place where electricity is unknown signaled our arrival to people for miles
around. In the morning, quiet murmurs
woke us from sleep. We heard the shuffling
of bare feet on earth outside our window. When we went to investigate, we were surprised to find a line of maybe
30 Grandmas dressed in the typically wild cacophony of colored dresses and
headscarves, each with one or two small children, some with infants in their
arms. They had heard their neighbor Ben started an organization
to help orphans and they had come to hand over their children.
"Here," they said. "You take them. We
cannot care for our dead children's children any longer."
Ben spoke to them in the local language for a long
while, gently, talking through a certain sense of surprise. "We have just started," he said.
"There is no money or organization to take care of children in this place. We are praying for it. You must pray too. But, I'm
sorry. For now, we cannot take them; we can only promise we will do something."
“But you must,” the old women argued as if insisting hard
enough would make it happen.
“We cannot,” the Reverend said. The Grandmas just stared silently, their eyes
saying – you have been to America,
you bring us Americans, America
is rich – we do not believe you. But
they knew in their hearts this man would not lie to them. They hung their heads in thought.
“I had to turn them away,” he said to us once inside the
house. This was the only time I ever saw
the lips tremble on his strong, round face. Outside, the old women trudged up the hill, barefoot, a little more bent,
leaning on walking sticks, hand in hand with raggedy little children stumbling
to keep up. Little girls tightened infants
in a sash on their backs. Their dresses
were explosive in joyous color but their bright hopes had been ground into the
earth. We watched them go, all of us with
tears in our eyes. They would deal with
it. They would survive as they always
had.
God touched our hearts for AIDS Orphans that day. Keep reading this blog and you will see how
the prayers of those Grandmas are being answered today.
President Museveni told me he rushed back to Kampala from the meeting in Harare and called on his Minister of Health
and a panel of doctors to determine once and for all what caused the
disease. “We need to know,” he said
them, “Is it the bite of an insect? Is
it something in our food or water? Is it
people breathing on each other. We need
to know.” One week later they returned
to the President with their findings. Richard Goodgame, an American missionary doctor at Makerere University at the time was on that panel. Now
teaching at Rice University in Houston, he
recalls, “We reported to His Excellency that we had examined every means of
disease transmittal. Our
conclusion? The disease is spread
through the exchange of vital bodily fluids… as in sexual contact and
transfusions and the sharing of hypodermic needles and blood rites.
“I remember Museveni sitting back in his chair,” Goodgame
said. “He relaxed a bit and showed the hint of a smile, the kind you’d see on
the face of a man who’d been wrestling with a puzzle for many days and had
suddenly found the answer. ‘This is good
news,' he said. 'This AIDS is not a
medical problem. It is a behavior
problem.’”
Within a year, the President mobilized the leadership from
all the churches, the schools and the government to impart a single message: Be
sexually abstinent until marriage. And
be faithful in marriage. That was
it. The message poured from loudspeakers
in the streets, from pulpits across the land, in newspapers, flyers, in schools
at all levels. “Zero Grazing” was the
theme. “AIDS Kills” was the
message. In other words, to all the
truck drivers, prostitutes, horny college students, lusty teenagers waltzing
hand in hand into the banana patches, the hookers, married men with mistresses and all
the sugar daddies, “stop screwing around.” It also meant the age-old custom of brothers comforting their siblings’
dead widows must stop. Ritual
circumcisions must be done with sanitized tools. Wiping the knife on your pants before using
it again doesn’t count. Those who heeded
the message are alive. Those who did not
are dead.
The message to young people in schools was and still is: Be
abstinent. Do not have sexual relations
until you are married. “Just as there
are kinds of food you are forbidden to eat as a young person, there is this
behavior. You must listen to people who
are grown up and know about these things before you partake. Eat the grown up food when you are grown up
and not before.”
Did the President’s approach work? Museveni told me, “We used to have STD kiosks
all around Kampala. People with a little rash could go get a shot
of penicillin. They were very
popular. But, within two years of our
telling the people they had to change their behavior, the kiosks were all
gone. Out of business. No more customers. That was the first sign that our campaign was
working. We proved people would change
habits if doing so would save their lives.”
Museveni’s observation – calling the
spread of AIDS a behavior problem and not a medical problem - was underscored by U.S. Surgeon General
C.Everett Koop in the first Surgeon
General’s Report on AIDSdated October, 1986.Africa This is an important
point to remember as we explore the condomization effort of the UN yet to come.
HIV/AIDS was already rampant throughout Africa before the first government leader on the continent learned what caused the disease in 1986. The
credit for that discovery goes to Yoweri Museveni, the man who, in that year, wrested Uganda
out of the hands of the last dictator Milton Obote and returned the nation to
the people in the form of a parliamentary democracy.
A friend of Ben’s arranged for me to meet with Museveni, the
President of Uganda, one Sunday at the State House. Once we passed through a serpentine of crash
barriers, an iron gate topped with razor wire, past the boyish, dull-eyed
sentries fingering ancient rifles and after we left all cameras, cases,
telephones and recording devices in the car, we were escorted to an
unassuming two-story stucco structure,
an office building, set amid manicured lawns and robustly blooming flowers. After a short time in a parlor, we were
called into the conference room. Waiting
there was His Excellency, smiling, apparently glad to greet us. TV cameras rolled. Three nattily dressed ministers of state sat
poker-faced at the table with their hands folded. There were a few formalities. Along the way, Ben told His Excellency, known
as H.E., that I knew a few words of Rukiga,
the President’s tribal language. “Tell
me,” he said. A challenge.
I gave him the full repertoire. “Mukama
asiimwe, oweishemwe. (Praise the
Lord, Brother). Nebanyeta Mzee Twesigye,” I said (They call me the trusted old
man) “Ninduga Chicago America. (I
come from Chicago in America). Nkaba
ndi omusiisi. Hati, Jesu na kanjuna (I was a sinner but now I walk with
Jesus). He listened with a sparkle in
his tiny eyes and an amused look on his face. Surely, I had thoroughly butchered his mother tongue. But when I had finished, he clapped his hands
with glee. “It is good to hear you speak
my language,” he announced and burst into a chorus of tukutendereza. Then he began
to talk about AIDS.
“You know how I discovered we had a problem?” he said.
“Fidel Castro told me.
“Only six months after re-establishing the government here,
I was invited to attend a meeting for the non-aligned African nations in Harare, Zimbabwe. Many countries were trying out Communism then
and they wanted to recruit more, so they invited those of us who were not yet
Marxist/Leninist/Socialist/Communist to a meeting. I had no intention of becoming a Communist. Idi Amin and Obote were Communist. All the other newly independent states in Africa that tried “African Socialism” were in ruins. But I was curious. Maybe they would build us a road.
“I was there only one day when Castro took me aside. He said, ‘Mr. President, I think you have a
problem.’ I thought: I have more than
one problem. The idiot dictators ruined
our country. I have no economy, no
infrastructure, an incomplete government, an empty treasury, too big an army,
refugees everywhere, a starving population… what else could there be? I asked Castro. He said, ‘Your predecessor, Obote, sent 80
soldiers to Cuba for military training. We do blood
testing of foreign trainees and, of those 80 soldiers, we found 46 to have the
Mysterious African Wasting Disease. I
thought you would like to know.’ I had
heard of this disease on the short wave while fighting in the bush. And I knew if the soldiers had it, the
population had it. But I didn’t know how
bad it was. This was, indeed, a
problem.”
Every Ugandan in every village had heard about or had
experienced “bad times” in their history, whether it was famine, rebellion or
disease. These were things they could
not change. As a nation of subsistence
farmers, they had learned they could simply wait it out. Yet, well into the 1980s, the “Mysterious
African Wasting Disease” gained momentum
killing, mysteriously enough, only adults. A husband would die of the Slim. His brother would, according to custom, comfort the widow by taking her
into his home and into his bed. She
would infect him. He would infect his
wife. Then he would die. Another brother would step up. The women would die. And the disease spread.
Rev. Frank Isingoma, an associate pastor at All Saints
Cathedral in Kampala told me: “Around 1984, my family moved
from Mbarara to Rakai. The immorality
was so high there, in three years, we saw people dying from ages 13 to 50. Entire villages closed because everybody
died. You could go for miles without
seeing people. The images of entire
groups of sick people haunted me even until I came to All Saints in 1995. For more than three years, we held two or
three funerals every day, a minimum of nine per week. The dead were from all walks of life
including doctors and engineers. It
finally slowed down about 1998."
In the cities,
prostitution was a common profession for women struggling to feed themselves
and their children. Yet, even as people began to die from the disease and its
sexual cause was heavily
communicated, the number of prostitutes did not
decrease. The United Nations pressured
the government to make condoms available in “high risk areas,” which included
bars and wherever the Commercial Sex Workers plied their trade. The women soon discovered condoms were good
for business in that they learned they could extract a premium price for a
client who wanted to go “bareback.”
“SEE?!” the
evangelists yelled as they pointed bony fingers at the people. “God brings his wrath on the wicked!!” This was a nice sermon but bad reality
because many of the evangelists also died of the disease. It was, and to a certain extent, still is
common for prosperous middle class men to have “a girl on the side.” Young women, often university students short
on cash, often sought out “sugar daddies” who provided them with apartments,
clothes, cell phones and took them to clubs. In the end, they all died until, at one time, 38% of the Ugandan population was HIV positive.
I wanted to take a turn off the Mbarara road to travel
through Rakai, a district on the shore of Lake Victoria. Many local people I spoke to including two
physicians agreed that it was here in the late 1970s that a boat with fishermen
infected with HIV came ashore. Though the disease existed elsewhere in the
region, it was this place that sparked its wildfire spread throughout Africa. Rakai was
vibrant then, a popular stop on the freight route across southwest Uganda. Trucks laden with goods from the port of Mombasa
in Kenya and manufactured
goods from Jinja would ride all day across the flat plane of the Great Rift
Valley and stop for the night in towns here before completing journeys to Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi or Eastern
Congo.
Every truck driver and passenger bus stopping in the towns
of this district – Masaka, Lyantonde, Lukaya, Kinoni was like the prodigal ant
being welcomed back into the colony. There
were “hotels,” mud-walled rooms with sleeping cots lit by the flame of a tea
candle. There were densely packed bars
where a man
could get a warm Nile Extra Beer, a long story and a too-loud
laugh. And there were women who would
make themselves available to the drivers, the captains of 18-wheeled ships for
only a few shillings more than the beer. Little did any of the sex workers know that the fishermen who were also
their customers had given them a deadly disease they would pass along, a biological
time bomb whose devastation would not be known for years. The women gave it to the drivers. The drivers gave it to others all along the
route and their wives when they returned
home and their girlfriends who passed it to other lovers.
By the early 1980s, people throughout this district began
wasting away. Then, as now, it was
normal for people to have bouts of malaria or diarrhea or open cuts and sores,
but in these days the casual sicknesses did not subside and wounds did not
heal. People with minor ailments
mysteriously withered and died from a condition known as “Slim.”
Then, suddenly, it seemed everyone had the disease. No one knew where it came from. No one knew what caused it. Witch doctors blamed curses sent from Tanzania. Others blamed God for sending punishment for reasons
known only to Him.
Dr. Phinehas Tukamuhaabwa, now a Professor in the
Agriculture Department at Makerere University was a university
student at the time. Between terms, he
and scores of other students would ride the bus home for the holiday. The road from Kampala
to Kabale Town was not paved which meant the trip
took two days, requiring an overnight stop. On the way home, the students, exhausted from exams, generally
slept. But returning to school,
rejuvenated with home cooking, plenty of sleep and some shillings in their
pockets, they felt their oats. Phinehas
recalls, “The boys would yell and jump and scream and try to make time with the
girls. And when the bus stopped for the
night at towns such as Lyontonde, Masaka or Kinoni, they went wild. They would go to the bars. They went off with the women. But some of us did not get off the bus. The others taunted us, calling us names. We ate food we had brought with us. We sang quiet songs together. We prayed all night.
“In the end,” Phinehas said, “All the people who got off the
bus died within a short time. Some
before they graduated. There were many
university degrees granted posthumously. Those who
stayed on the bus lived. Rakai became a district of ghost
towns.”
“For people in the West, AIDS is a distant theory, someone
else’s problem. But for us, AIDS is
personal. We have all watched relatives
wither and die. We have attended too
many funerals.” - Bishop Zac Nirungye, Kampala
Until recently, after more than 25 years of research by
health organizations worldwide, there were two competing theories about how HIV/AIDS
actually started, both of them based on the idea that a virus found in monkeys
called Simian Immunodeficiency Virus (SIV) somehow mutated to humans. The first was the “cut hunter” theory where
hunters in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) ate meat from a diseased monkey,
assimilated the disease and began passing it on sexually. The second was the “Polio Inoculation” theory
where an experimental anti-polio serum developed in Europe from chimpanzee or
macaque substrate was tested on people in the Belgian
Congo in the 1950s. This
theory surmises that the virus substrate was taken from diseased animals which
allowed it to mutate into humans upon being injected into its test
subjects. Conspiracy theorists loved
this scenario but a vial of the 1950s serum was recently discovered and, after
rigorous testing, it was determined that there was no SIV or HIV virus
present. That leaves us with one theory.
In any case, it is widely agreed that the severe poverty
conditions with poor sanitation, lack of nutritious food and clean water,
working in noxious environments and overwork created a population of people
whose physical immunity was extremely debilitated to the point where their
bodies allowed the mutation to occur. In Zaire/Congo, such conditions existed in
the south and East where massive mining operations had been exploiting workers
for decades. In neighboring Uganda, conditions were not much better as the
population had struggled with famine, rebellion and a ruined economy almost
from the day the nation declared its independence from Great Britain in 1962. Disease was rampant in rural towns such as
those in the Rakai district where people struggled to survive day to day. Through the 1960s, 70s and 80s, many
countries in Africa were in turmoil, causing
millions of people to struggle for daily survival. Tens of millions of people were in poor
health and ripe for disease.
Many factors come into the discussion when talking about how
the disease spread so quickly. The first of course is the exchange of body
fluids through sexual transmission. In Zaire,
Europeans ran the massive mining operations, where the work force was primarily
men housed in what can only be described as slave quarters. They worked for pennies. Food was poor. Disease was common. And the opportunity for homosexual liaison
was strong. One hunter infected with the
newly mutated HIV could easily have introduced infection to an entire work
force. Then, because government and
business operations were driven by Europeans, travel from Africa to Europe was common. When we see that AIDS first appeared in Europe and in North
America in the gay community in the '80s, it is easy to understand the
connection.
But other factors for transmission also existed: rebel armies rife throughout Zaire/Congo from
1960s up to and including today would make sure their conquest of a rival
village was complete by raping the women of all ages. The practice, based on ancient tribal customs
of conquest, ensured that not only would all the men earn the disease, but so
would the victimized women who would pass it along to other innocents or the
next army. Other means of transmission
included hands with open sores touching the bloody wounds of infected people –
a common means of transmission of the virus to children. Or ritual circumcision rites for a dozen or
so young men all carried out with the same knife.
There is no one scientific theory about how AIDS traveled to Uganda though the country
has a long, porous border with Congo,
with may truckers and smugglers. My own
theory pieced together after speaking to people in the area is the fishermen
from Rakai District took a break from their labors on one of the hundreds of Ssese Islands
in Lake Victoria where they were either bitten
by monkeys infected with SIV or they ate the meat of diseased animals they had
hunted. The virus mutated in these men to become HIV and Michael rowed the boat
ashore. Ah-lay-looooo-yah.